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NEWSENERGY 3 MIN READ

Athens Is Betting Big on Clean Power. Everywhere Else, It’s Buying Time.

Greece’s grid operator has a number for how much renewable capacity it can wire up by 2035. What it hasn’t settled — and what Athens seems in no hurry to settle either — is how much power the rest of the economy will actually need by then. IPTO’s 2036 demand forecast is 64 GW; the government’s National Energy and Climate Plan assumes 74 GW. That ten-gigawatt gap is really a question about how fast Greek shipping, industry and transport move off fossil fuels, and whether the state has the political room to push them. Four threads make up that question, and each shows the same pattern: real movement, capped by cost, capacity or consensus.

Shipping is the clearest fight. Greek owners control the world’s largest merchant fleet, nearly 5,800 vessels, and Greece — together with Italy, Cyprus and Malta — accounts for over 70% of the European fleet; Greece alone is the largest single owner within that bloc, not the majority on its own. Maritime minister Vassilis Kikilias warned last month that alternative fuels cover barely 0.5% of global shipping’s needs, and that penalising the industry ahead of that supply “will be passed on to the real economy, fuelling inflation.” Union of Greek Shipowners president Melina Travlou put it more bluntly: “Shipping’s green transition cannot be achieved without shipping.” Greece is backing a rival Panama–Liberia proposal tying targets to fuel availability rather than fixed dates. The IMO’s ISWG-GHG 22 talks collapsed without consensus in early September over a proposed global funding mechanism; two more rounds follow in late November and early December. Domestically, a draft Green Fund would route FuelEU Maritime revenue into alternative fuels and port infrastructure — the plumbing is being built even as the timeline is fought over.

Industry tells a quieter version. Cement and refining cause over 80% of Greece’s industrial emissions; cement plans a 73.3% cut by 2030 and refining 26.8%, and Greek cement currently carries the highest carbon intensity of any major EU producer. Both sectors lean on carbon capture projects not expected to deliver until 2028, rather than switching to grid power, and received close to €2.9 billion combined in free EU emissions allowances. That matters for demand: if industry decarbonises mainly by capturing carbon rather than drawing more electricity, its contribution to 2036 demand may be smaller than the NECP assumes.

EVs show real but small-base growth: a 6.7% share of new car sales through February, up 31.8% year-on-year, led by BYD ahead of Opel and Tesla — up from roughly 20 registrations in 2016 and 5% of sales in 2023, still well behind the EU’s roughly 15% share that year. Greece’s 2021 climate law still commits to ending new petrol and diesel car sales by 2030, five years ahead of the EU’s own cut-off, and current tallies still list the country among 2030 phase-out states. The revised NECP funds charging infrastructure but stops short of a hard EV fleet-share target for the mid-2030s.

Politics binds all three. In April, former prime minister Alexis Tsipras attacked a €30 billion expansion plan at Greece’s state-linked power companies, arguing €1.8 billion in public money was benefiting private shareholders, CVC Capital Partners among them, while households faced high bills. The specifics differ from shipping or industry, but the tension is the same: whether Greek energy spending serves consumers or capital.

The pattern: Athens is genuinely ambitious on power generation — IPTO chief Manos Manousakis says climate targets remain achievable “if renewable connections continue” at pace — while its maritime minister fights Brussels on shipping’s timeline, its heaviest industry buys time through carbon capture rather than electrification, and its opposition attacks energy spending on cost-equity grounds. That’s a government whose grid ambition isn’t yet matched by the political capital to force the same pace everywhere else — the gap Manousakis pointed to when he called transport, shipping and industry a matter of far more time, capital and “social consensus” than electricity alone required. November’s IMO talks will be an early test of whether that gap closes.

DMVR

ABOUT THE AUTHOR

Derek Michalski

The Voice of Renewables editorial team reports on the policies, projects, technologies and people shaping the global energy transition.

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